Mnangagwa’s ZANU PF particularly through the militarised cabinet an unelected regime led by President Mnangagwa have unrolled the same disinformation campaign used by Mugabe over 37 years

Mnangagwa’s ZANU PF particularly through the militarised cabinet an unelected regime led by President Mnangagwa have unrolled the same disinformation campaign used by Mugabe over 37 years dominated by Western Puppet mantra and other common apologist rubbish.Image may contain: text
 
However to their credit, the PDP have heard the people’s cries for answers and are seeking unity in this new political dispensation  which is causing massive polarisation, party change and  disillusionment amongst the electorate.
The PDP  have emphasised that the Zanu pf military regime cannot be allowed to incur new debts on behalf of Zimbabwe as there is no evidence that they will account for it just like their corrupt predecessor Mugabe regime.Image may contain: text
 
As I have always warned, replacing Mugabe with Mnangagwa is in my book, a ‘non event’ because nothing changed, has or will change with Mnangagwa, Zanu pf, and securocrats in place. This corrupt caucus must all go and it starts with people going out and registering to vote on the BVR. We only have one shot to remove this illegitimate regime, know Zanu pf and are fully aware that Zanu pf will never reform themselves out of power, so lets vote them out in 2018.
 
There is no excuse for sitting back and letting and further legitimising our own suffering. Read the full explanation from PDP about Biti’s trip to the US. By Sibusiso Ngwenya.
 
PDP EXPLAINS, MDC Alliance, former Minister of Finance Biti’s US visit to end the crisis of legitimacy , establish credible elections and leadership with the mandate to lead.
 
Zimbabwe at the Crossroads: A Chance for a New Beginning
 
Testimony before the Senate Foreign Relations Subcommittee on Africa and Global Health policy
December 12, 2017
 
Thank you, Chairman Flake, Ranking Member Booker, and other members of the Subcommittee. We thank you for inviting us to this great center of American democracy.
 
The 14th of November 2017 began a series major life changing events in Zimbabwe that will forever redefine the political and constitutional landscape of the country.
 
On that day, military tanks invaded the streets of the capital, Harare, and other major cities in the country. In the early hours of the 15th, the military appeared on Zimbabwe’s sole national television and implicitly made it clear that the executive was no longer in control.
 
On 18th November, hundreds of thousands of Zimbabweans marched alongside military personnel in the streets of Harare and Bulawayo and demanded the resignation of President Mugabe. On 21 November in the middle of impeachment proceedings in parliament, President Mugabe quietly, if not in-elegantly, announced his resignation.
 
With President Mugabe’s departure, Zimbabwe now faces an uncertain future, but one which presents real opportunities for reconstructing, rebuilding and re-fabricating a new Zimbabwean story, and a new Zimbabwean society.
 
Without a doubt, the 37 years of President Mugabe’s rule were a sad story of capture, coercion, corruption, poverty and de-legitimization. Zimbabweans lived in fear under a system that paid no respect to their rights and a system that saw continuous impoverishment and suffering, loss of livelihoods amongst ordinary citizens.
 
President Mugabe presided over one of the most autocratic African regimes that stood head and shoulders with the likes of current dictators like Obiang in Equatorial Guinea, Biya in Cameroon, Afewerki in Eritrea, al-Bashir in Sudan, and Museveni in Uganda.
 
Let’s be clear: the events in Zimbabwe described above were an illegal and illegitimate transfer of power from one faction of the ruling party to another.
 
However, this was not the first time that the military in Zimbabwe and the so-called “securocrats” have subverted constitutional order in a way that merely entrenched un-democratic rule.
 
For instance, on the eve of the presidential election in March 2002 the top army generals of Zimbabwe led by then commander of the Zimbabwe Defense Forces Major-General Zvinavashe issued a public statement in which it was announced that they would never salute a leader who did not have liberation war credentials. An obvious position meant to target Morgan Tsvangirai, the leader of the democratic opposition.
 
In June 2008, pursuant to a victory of the MDC in the March 2008 election the military staged a pre-emptive military coup that literally prevented political opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai and the MDC from taking over, installing President Mugabe as president of the republic.
 
November 2017 now represents a third occasion of a revolt against the constitution, but this time, marked with the popular removal of an unpopular president.
 
Despite the illegalities of the November 2017 processes, Zimbabwe now has the obligation of ensuring that there’s a major shift and fundamental departure from a past of division, attrition and fear.
 
Zimbabwe needs a genuine break from its tortured past, not a continuation of the old order. The new Zimbabwe, to be established now, need to be founded on the values and principles of constitutionalism, the rule of law, a just and prosperous society. In the new Zimbabwe, every citizen must be free to pursue life, liberty, and happiness.
 
The starting point must be a return to true legitimacy, constitutionalism, and the rule of law. The roadmap to legitimacy is the fundamental precondition to the establishment of a sustainable, just, and free Zimbabwe. This roadmap must be anchored on clear benchmarks. These include:
 
1) The immediate restoration of constitutionalism, the rule of law, and legitimate civilian rule. The military must be demobilized from the streets.
 
2) Implementation of genuine electoral reforms to ensure that the election in July-August 2018 is free, fair, credible, and legitimate. Those electoral reforms, including: the preparation of a brand new biometric voters’ roll to which all political parties sign onto; agreement on an independent electoral management body; the introduction of a diaspora vote; international observation and poll monitors; defined role of the UN and its agencies; full access to media; and a safe environment for campaigning and voting free from intimidation.
 
3) Political and institutional reforms, which include aligning the country’s laws with the 2013 constitution, and in particular actualizing the provisions dealing with devolution and the land question.
 
4) Major economic reforms that focus on restoring livelihoods, growing a shared economy and addressing the huge challenge of unemployment and under-development.
 
5) Restoring the social contract, including the renewal and rebirth of a new Zimbabwe that shuns corruption and promotes national healing and reconciliation.
 
The above road map must be guaranteed and underwritten by the international community. In this regard, the role of the African Union and the United Nations will be critical.
 
The new authorities must show some signs of a commitment to real transformation other than cosmetic statements on the economy.
 
The real danger is that they will pursue a Beijing model, in the respect of which there are nominal improvements on the economy while political space is closed and democracy is muzzled.
 
It is therefore important that the new authorities show signs of commitment to real change.
They could, for instance, begin by openly acknowledging and apologizing for the major human rights abuses of the past four decades, in particular the massacres in Matabeleland known as Gukurahundi, the illegal and inhumane urban land clearances of Operation Murambatsvina, and the vicious 2008 post election violence against the opposition and ordinary citizens.
 
They could for instance order an inquiry into the disappearance of human rights activists, including Patrick Nabanyama and Itai Dzamara, who has been missing since March 2015.
 
Authorities could for instance mollify many Zimbabweans by ordering a judicial inquiry into Zimbabwe’s missing diamond revenues, estimated to be around $15 billion.
 
We have lost a lot of time in Zimbabwe, fighting amongst ourselves. One hopes that the fresh beam of light that we saw on 18 November 2017 becomes a permanent bright shining star that shows us the path forward. Zimbabweans must fix our own country and repair the wounds of the past. But we can’t do this alone.
 
As Zimbabwe begins this quest for transformation, it will need the support of the international community, including the United States and Congress in particular, at this crucial stage.
 
We ask the international community and the U.S. to keep us in your hearts. Do not allow our country to be forgotten in our battle against tyranny and poverty and for democracy and human rights. Our election requires active support and oversight from the international community, including our American friends.
 
Further, once we show signs of an irrevocable and irreversible trajectory towards legitimacy, democracy, and the rule of law, we shall require your full support as we re-engage key international institutions.
 
We know that this struggle has been long and difficult. But we are confident that we will complete what we started in 1
 
The current government has benefited from lies peddled in an attempt to run away from a commitment to the democratic obligations provided in our constitution ,
 
Contrary to reports, President Biti and the team from the MDC Alliance are on a round trip meant to engage the international community to engage Harare to commit to the following.
 
A free and fair election including allowing election monitors at least three months before the election
 
A return to legitimacy with soldiers returning to attend to duties provided in section 212 of the constitution.
 
Addressing human rights violations of the past through a full enquiry including accounting for missing persons like Itai Dzamara.
 
Honest Economic reforms as opposed to half baked sound bites ridden ones presented in the budget,
Full commitment to the rule of law and constitutionalism
Put an end to the land question.
 
Open a full inquiry into the Marange diamons and the missing 15 billion dollars
Align the laws to the constitution including the implementation of devolution of power.
 
Strengthen institutions especially independent commissions and the judiciary.
 
Ensure the right to vote for all Zimbabweans including those in the diaspora without making the logistics an excuse as polling can be stationed at our embassies.
 
We do not apologise for saying that the current government is unelected and cannot be allowed to incur new debts on behalf of our people as there is no evidence that they will account.
 
To end the crisis of legitimacy a credible election must be held which can usher in a leadership with the mandate to negotiate for the Zimbabwean people.
 
These are the points we made and will make in our engagements.
 
Below is the full text of our presentation.
 
Thank you, Chairman Flake, Ranking Member Booker, and other members of the Subcommittee. We thank you for inviting us to this great center of American democracy.
 
The 14th of November 2017 began a series major life changing events in Zimbabwe that will forever redefine the political and constitutional landscape of the country.
 
On that day, military tanks invaded the streets of the capital, Harare, and other major cities in the country. In the early hours of the 15th, the military appeared on Zimbabwe’s sole national television and implicitly made it clear that the executive was no longer in control.
 
On 18th November, hundreds of thousands of Zimbabweans marched alongside military personnel in the streets of Harare and Bulawayo and demanded the resignation of President Mugabe. On 21 November in the middle of impeachment proceedings in parliament, President Mugabe quietly, if not in-elegantly, announced his resignation.
 
With President Mugabe’s departure, Zimbabwe now faces an uncertain future, but one which presents real opportunities for reconstructing, rebuilding and re-fabricating a new Zimbabwean story, and a new Zimbabwean society.
 
Without a doubt, the 37 years of President Mugabe’s rule were a sad story of capture, coercion, corruption, poverty and de-legitimization. Zimbabweans lived in fear under a system that paid no respect to their rights and a system that saw continuous impoverishment and suffering, loss of livelihoods amongst ordinary citizens.
 
President Mugabe presided over one of the most autocratic African regimes that stood head and shoulders with the likes of current dictators like Obiang in Equatorial Guinea, Biya in Cameroon, Afewerki in Eritrea, al-Bashir in Sudan, and Museveni in Uganda.
 
Let’s be clear: the events in Zimbabwe described above were an illegal and illegitimate transfer of power from one faction of the ruling party to another.
 
However, this was not the first time that the military in Zimbabwe and the so-called “securocrats” have subverted constitutional order in a way that merely entrenched un-democratic rule.
 
For instance, on the eve of the presidential election in March 2002 the top army generals of Zimbabwe led by then commander of the Zimbabwe Defense Forces Major-General Zvinavashe issued a public statement in which it was announced that they would never salute a leader who did not have liberation war credentials. An obvious position meant to target Morgan Tsvangirai, the leader of the democratic opposition.
 
In June 2008, pursuant to a victory of the MDC in the March 2008 election the military staged a pre-emptive military coup that literally prevented political opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai and the MDC from taking over, installing President Mugabe as president of the republic.
 
November 2017 now represents a third occasion of a revolt against the constitution, but this time, marked with the popular removal of an unpopular president.
 
Despite the illegalities of the November 2017 processes, Zimbabwe now has the obligation of ensuring that there’s a major shift and fundamental departure from a past of division, attrition and fear.
 
Zimbabwe needs a genuine break from its tortured past, not a continuation of the old order. The new Zimbabwe, to be established now, need to be founded on the values and principles of constitutionalism, the rule of law, a just and prosperous society. In the new Zimbabwe, every citizen must be free to pursue life, liberty, and happiness.
 
The starting point must be a return to true legitimacy, constitutionalism, and the rule of law. The roadmap to legitimacy is the fundamental precondition to the establishment of a sustainable, just, and free Zimbabwe. This roadmap must be anchored on clear benchmarks. These include:
 
1) The immediate restoration of constitutionalism, the rule of law, and legitimate civilian rule. The military must be demobilized from the streets.
 
2) Implementation of genuine electoral reforms to ensure that the election in July-August 2018 is free, fair, credible, and legitimate. Those electoral reforms, including: the preparation of a brand new biometric voters’ roll to which all political parties sign onto; agreement on an independent electoral management body; the introduction of a diaspora vote; international observation and poll monitors; defined role of the UN and its agencies; full access to media; and a safe environment for campaigning and voting free from intimidation.
 
3) Political and institutional reforms, which include aligning the country’s laws with the 2013 constitution, and in particular actualizing the provisions dealing with devolution and the land question.
 
4) Major economic reforms that focus on restoring livelihoods, growing a shared economy and addressing the huge challenge of unemployment and under-development.
 
5) Restoring the social contract, including the renewal and rebirth of a new Zimbabwe that shuns corruption and promotes national healing and reconciliation.
 
The above road map must be guaranteed and underwritten by the international community. In this regard, the role of the African Union and the United Nations will be critical.
 
The new authorities must show some signs of a commitment to real transformation other than cosmetic statements on the economy.
 
The real danger is that they will pursue a Beijing model, in the respect of which there are nominal improvements on the economy while political space is closed and democracy is muzzled.
 
It is therefore important that the new authorities show signs of commitment to real change.
They could, for instance, begin by openly acknowledging and apologizing for the major human rights abuses of the past four decades, in particular the massacres in Matabeleland known as Gukurahundi, the illegal and inhumane urban land clearances of Operation Murambatsvina, and the vicious 2008 post election violence against the opposition and ordinary citizens.
 
They could for instance order an inquiry into the disappearance of human rights activists, including Patrick Nabanyama and Itai Dzamara, who has been missing since March 2015.
 
Authorities could for instance mollify many Zimbabweans by ordering a judicial inquiry into Zimbabwe’s missing diamond revenues, estimated to be around $15 billion.
 
We have lost a lot of time in Zimbabwe, fighting amongst ourselves. One hopes that the fresh beam of light that we saw on 18 November 2017 becomes a permanent bright shining star that shows us the path forward. Zimbabweans must fix our own country and repair the wounds of the past. But we can’t do this alone.
 
As Zimbabwe begins this quest for transformation, it will need the support of the international community, including the United States and Congress in particular, at this crucial stage.
 
We ask the international community and the U.S. to keep us in your hearts. Do not allow our country to be forgotten in our battle against tyranny and poverty and for democracy and human rights. Our election requires active support and oversight from the international community, including our American friends.
 
Further, once we show signs of an irrevocable and irreversible trajectory towards legitimacy, democracy, and the rule of law, we shall require your full support as we re-engage key international institutions.
 
We know that this struggle has been long and difficult. But we are confident that we will complete what we started in 1999 when we formed the Movement for Democratic Change with the aspiration of establishing a truly democratic, just, and free Zimbabwe.
Thank you. PDP.

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