Air Zimbabwe (AirZim) boss Ripton Muzenda sidelined :And thats how you run a family business,..Air ‘Simbabwe’


PRESIDENT Robert Mugabe’s son-in-law Simba Chikore has effectively displaced through the back door the Air Zimbabwe (AirZim) boss Ripton Muzenda after he and Transport minister Joram Gumbo travelled to Malaysia to seal the troubled airline’s aircraft lease agreement.
This comes on the backdrop of reports that Chikore, who was appointed as AirZim chief operations officer (COO), has been carrying out executive duties, politically sidelining Muzenda.

Sources said Chikore and Gumbo are currently in Malaysia to finalise a deal which will see Malaysian Airways partnering the struggling AirZim.

“Chikore and Gumbo are already in Malaysia but, surprisingly, they did not go with the Air Zimbabwe chief executive officer Ripton Muzenda and not even the board chairperson Chipo Dyanda,” said a source.

As reported by this newspaper, the struggling flag carrier is on the verge of concluding a wet lease with the Malaysian airline after it emerged that a 10-member team comprising key personnel from the bankrupt airline flew to the southeast Asian country to oversee the planning of the ferry flight to Zimbabwe.Sources close to the developments said the 10 senior staffers, including manager-in-charge of flight operations Tawanda Chitsike, senior engineer Lawrence Mashoko, Martin Gwafa (technical services) and Solomon Musikavanhu (flight operations), travelled to Malaysia last week.

“The team will oversee the planning of the ferry flight to Zimbabwe, meaning flying the aircraft from one position to the other without passengers or cargo. Government has negotiated a wet lease as part of its plans to turn around AirZim,” a source familiar with the developments said.

Sources also said the deal was being facilitated by Chikore and Gumbo to the exclusion of other senior AirZim executives.

Cabinet recently gave Gumbo the nod to seek private partnerships for the US$330 million debt-ridden national carrier. Gumbo has also said his ministry has been engaging potential partners including Malaysian, Kenya, Ethiopia, Singapore and Turkey airlines. At the ailing airline, Muzenda has virtually been rendered redundant as Chikore is doing the day-to-day running of the state-owned company.

“Chikore has effectively displaced Muzenda because of his proximity to the first family. He takes instruction from the family and enjoys direct access to the minister,” one source said. “The First Family should not be involved, but it seems they are giving him ideas and instructions because everything he does is said to be having the blessings of President Robert Mugabe’s family.” Source – the independent

A police officer on duty at Rimai base along the Zimbabwe Mozambique border was trampled to death by an elephant yesterday evening

An elephant trampled to death a police officer on duty at Rimai base along the Zimbabwe Mozambique border yesterday evening.
The body of the police officer was discovered today.
Officials at the Cicil Kopje Nature Reserve, the licence holder of the game park, had left the game park gates open leading to the elephants straying into the law enforcement patrolling area.
The Minister of State for Manicaland Province, Mandi Chimene and service chiefs visited the scene of the accident and castigated the game park officials for being negligent.
The name of the police officer is being withheld until his next of keen are informed. source-zbc

If we fail to cross over into a better Zimbabwe in our lifetime, shame on us. for aiding and sustaining a dictatorship through dishonesty and stupidity

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The earlier we accept the quintessential fact that ZANU PF is a mafia organisation, the better. Anyone who thinks ZANU PF is a competitor to anyone must be deeply engrossed in kindergarten hallucinations of a bygone era.
As we stare the watershed 2018 elections, let it be clear to all and sundry that ZANU PF does not  compete with anyone. As in the past, they are going to employ all means necessary to ‘win’ the forth coming election, by hook or crook. In fact they have already started.
Unless if something drastic happens and unless we take a resolute stand, ZANU PF will bulldoze its way to ‘victory’, of course, relying on its modus operandi premised on terror and deceit.
Sadly, their path to ‘victory’ will be paved with innocent blood. They will spill blood and they will kill anyone standing in their way. They have already started unleashing their demons of terror, the most recent exhibit being the burning of MDC-T Vice President Engineer Elias Mudzuri’s property last night. Just last week, an MDC-T vehicle was burnt.
What is next? They are going to burn us too. They are going to kill us. They are going to torture us.  They are going to abduct us.
Zimbabweans, we can’t continue doddering nebulously like inebriated monkeys on this dangerous path. Its either we are really going to stand up to ZANU PF’s austerity or we must just allow them to continue scornfully urinating on our heads. And yes, in silence, we must live with the stench and discomfort it comes along with.
After the abduction of my brother, Itai Dzamara, I was at times tempted to think that it was not worth the sacrifice but that is not true. What we can’t do is to fail to honor the sacrifices of individuals like Itai Dzamara, Tonderai Ndira and many others who took a staunch stand against ZANU PF’s morbidity. They were willing to make the necessary sacrifices and the best way to honor them is to retrace their footprints and follow their bold steps.
We must do away with our stupidity and insatiable penchant for trivia which doesn’t mean a bag of sugar. Day in and day out our clueless and myopic opposition parties leaders tear their innerwear in a bid to outmaneuver each other in signing stupid and meaningless MoU’s. That is rubbish. Yes that is rubbish. It stinks.
For as long as we are not going to stay our minds on the prize, let’s forget it and let’s just allow these ZANU PF hoodlums to lead this beautiful nation of ours to its abattoir. We can’t allow this level of mendacity, skulduggery and tomfoolery to persist neither can we afford to have other people sacrifice with even their lives just for a few miscreants to play with our lives while masquerading to be leading us against evil ZANU PF.
All opposition political leaders must quickly shape up or ship out. We are sick and tired of the buffoonery they are exhibiting. As young people, we respect them and we want to work together with them to dismantle this gang of terrorists called ZANU PF but their childish games are not getting us anywhere. They (we) must all unite and deal with ZANU PF.
I shudder to project becoming or any young person fighting for a better Zimbabwe becoming another Itai Dzamara or a Tonderai Ndira while some old men and women behave like drunk monkeys.
For what????
These games have to stop now. This stupidity has to stop now. We can’t take it anymore. We can, we will and we must decapitate the monster but we must be serious or else we shall all die for nothing.
God forbid, but if ever we fail to cross over into a better Zimbabwe in our lifetime, shame on us. Shame on these men and women with poverty stricken egos who are purportedly presiding over the transition to a better Zimbabwe but in the actual fact aiding and sustaining the dictatorship by their mendacity and stupidity.
Patson Dzamara is a leadership coach, author, political activist and analyst based in Zimbabwe. By Patson Dzamara

Mugabe touched by Mutasa’s plight orders Zanu Pf to help Mutasa to reach out to him so he can be parachuted out of his desperation


Analysis: Zimbabwe’s midnight moment of hope among illusions

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One erudite person once said that at midnight every tomorrow becomes today. A midnight speaks of an eternally simultaneous relationship and occurrence of two distinct elements. It speaks of exit and entrance or an end and a start in one go.
By any standard, perceived or real, Zimbabwe is fast approaching its midnight hour. A watershed moment of transition is beckoning. Whether it will come to pass or it merely becomes a prolonged midnight hour, only time will tell.
What can’t be disputed however is the fact that the imminent midnight has triggered hope and illusions among Zimbabweans.
To thoroughly unpack the bewildering political happenings in Zimbabwe, I will start by sharing a story one of my mentors shared with me in 2011. He shared with me what he termed the crab mentality.
“If you put crabs in a jar, they will all die. If one of them tries to scale its way out, the other crabs will pull it down and this will go on until they are all exhausted, leading to their eventual death”, he said.
It’s a case of hope and illusions for the crabs.
How these two diametrically opposed realities of hope and illusions can coexist is beyond my apprehension at the moment but could this be an apt description of what is happening in Zimbabwe? I am tempted to conclude that ours is a classic case of hope and illusions.
From the time of its formation in 1963, ZANU PF has gone through various phases. For some strange reasons, it has managed to weather all the storms encountered along the way.
Despite that, ZANU PF finds itself in a precarious position, dealing with a different kind of stubborn storm. Chances are very high that it will not survive the ravaging effects of the current storm. Not only is the storm stubborn, it is multi-pronged.
The crisis of internal democracy in ZANU PF dates back to the pre-independence era and has always been characterised by ruthless toppling of one faction from power by another or attempts to do so. For example, the coup against Ndabaningi Sithole and also the Nhari rebellion.
The revolutionary party has since then been rocked by power struggles and the latest manifestation is hinged on the succession to the frail old leader.
On one hand there is a faction believed to be led by the long time associate and confidante of Mugabe, Emmerson Mnangagwa or Ngwena as he is affectionately known by his fans. The faction nicknamed Team Lacoste is made up of war veterans and diehard extremists who want Mnangagwa to perpetuate the ZANU PF hardline nationalist stance but also embrace political and economic reforms to endear itself to the masses. This faction wants Mugabe to resign and give way to a younger Mnangagwa.
On the other hand there is a faction termed G40 believed to be led by the now unpopular ZANU PF political Commissar, Saviour Kasukuwere with the eccentric Professor Jonathan Moyo providing the brains. They are rallying around the idea of a much younger person succeeding Mugabe hence the Generation 40 tag.
Initially, the G40 faction had the clout of being backed by the first family. It appeared to be headed for victory but recent events may lead one to comfortably conclude that they are heading to the historical dustbins with Kasukuwere facing possible expulsion. His women’s league pawns are already singing the blues. G40 is characterised by greedy and ruthless young Turks who thrive on corruption and unorthodox manoeuvres.
Not only is ZANU PF on the verge of implosion as a result of factional wars but its strongman, Robert Mugabe is in the sunset of his earthly life. At 94, he is no longer as proficient and able. Old age is taking a blatant toll on him.
It is a fact that Mugabe sleeps at key forums both domestically and internationally thereby compromising the representation and advancement of our collective good. He is the CEO of the country and therefore responsible and accountable for the country’s welfare. Any lapse or incapacity makes him a liability.
The average age of Mugabe’s cabinet is 75. That he and the political party he leads have reached the twilight of their natural and political life is without question. Also without question is the need for younger and more vibrant political players to attend to the pressing political and socio-economic challenges we face today. Like Rip van Winkle they realise that they slept for a long time and have woken to an unfamiliar reality and they are clueless.
Despite the fact that it still has a massive grassroots base and that it relies on its abuse of state resources, ZANU PF is more fragile than ever before and that is an opportunity for change which is not being fully exploited.
The opposition movement in Zimbabwe can never be ignored. It is the alternative government.
After many years of disintegrating and engaging in petty fights, the opposition movement of Zimbabwe seemed to have finally grasped the fact that Zimbabwe’s common enemy is just but one, ZANU PF. In the past few months, most opposition parties have shown significant overtures towards regrouping and coalescing with the intention of fighting from the same corner. That is commendable.
Unfortunately, despite the overtures to unite, the demons of disunity, illusions and pathetically inflamed egos seem to be a constant companion of the process. As such and sadly, the envisaged unity is likely never going to happen.
The need to unite and mobilise everything and everyone not just in opposition against ZANU PF but towards a better Zimbabwe cannot be overemphasised. My own personal philosophy has always revolved around team work and unity of purpose – not losing the bigger picture. I believe that the coming together of the opposition political parties is a step in the right direction.
Despite the steps and intentions registered thus far to coalesce, the proliferation of political parties and independent candidates brings about a very interesting dynamic.
On the 28th of June, activist and lawyer Fadzayi Mahere announced that she will run for MP in Mount Pleasant as an independent candidate. Her announcement divided opinion. Some saw it as an illusion whereas some saw it as a breath of hope.
On the 29th of June, Nkosana Moyo announced his presidential bid under a new political party called Alliance for People’s Agenda (APA). Again, his announcement triggered mixed reactions. Others lauded him for the move whereas some lampooned him.
It’s imperative for us to put things in the correct perspective. After the monumental victory registered by Temba Mliswa as an independent candidate in the Norton by-election in October 2016, so many young people, including myself were inspired. I can bet my bottom bond note that Temba Mliswa’s victory is one of the major motivators behind many young people wanting to run as independent candidates and also the mushrooming of political parties at this eleventh hour. There is nothing wrong with that.
It is however critical to debunk and understand the dynamics and undercurrents which were involved in Mliswa’s victory. For starters, he is not a political novice, neither is anyone who has ever won an election in Zimbabwe as an independent candidate. Relying heavily on his political trajectory, acumen and wisdom, he won as an independent candidate yes but he was undergirded by elements in both the ruling and opposition parties.
The point I am trying to make is that his victory was not detached from institutions. Be under no illusions about that. Furthermore, it is imperative to note that Zimbabwean politics revolves around personalities. Wrong as it may be, in Zimbabwe, political institutions, systems and followership are built around persons. With that in mind, it will take a lot for anyone who will contest as an independent candidate and the new parties to win the forthcoming elections, unless if something drastic happens.
Ultimately, the glaring prospective of this scenario paving way for ZANU PF to win despite the fact that it is in intensive care is something we must all come to terms with. This is what has precipitated an unnecessary acrimonious relationship between the old timers and new comers.
Of course, this hocus-pocus is certainly cherished by ZANU PF and chances are very high that in the event of an opposition defeat in 2018, which is highly likely given the current dynamics, this reality will be remembered as a stark feature of the defeat.
Bearing in mind that we are dealing with a multi-faceted leadership crisis, and a deeply entrenched ZANU PF system, a lot more needs to be done.
That our approach bordering on everyone thinking they are everything, everyone wanting to be a president, everyone feeling their opinion matters more than those of others is self destructive is incontestable and despicable. At this rate, it will be rather naive for anyone to think that a confused opposition can defeat an equally confused ZANU PF.
Talk of hope and illusions coexisting in mutual harmony!
We are standing on the cusp of a grand opportunity for change. Sadly, we are mesmerised by the ongoing stupid and controlled factional fights in ZANU PF other than exploiting them. On the other hand, we are busy butchering each other all in the name of the overrated ideology of democracy.
In our shallow and pedantic posture, we continue on the path of frivolity, romancing trivia and petty ego-massaging fights. We continue holding meaningless talk shows were we take turns to out-compete each other in exposing our borrowed English accents.
Meanwhile, despite internal problems engulfing the party, ZANU PF is consolidating its ugly hold on the nation to win the forthcoming elections.
Unless, we discard our current approach and become serious about retrieving ourselves from the pit ZANU PF dug us into, we must forget it. Our midnight shall be a prolonged one.
Patson Dzamara is a leadership coach, author, human rights activist and political analyst based in Zimbabwe.

FROM white to black Rhodesia: A case of inherited oppression

The legacy of colonialism in Africa has largely affected the idea and nature of the post-colonial state. It is in the wake of decolonization (with all its attendant meanings) that discourses of Negritude, Pan-Africanism, Afropolitanism, Marxist Socialism, Neo-colonialism among others took root. In the efforts to reimagine and reinvent an Africa which did not privilege European ideals at its center, new ideologies and policies were crafted and promulgated.
Colonialism in all its forms and with all its multi-dimensional ills was to be done away with and replaced with Afrocentricism. However, the experience soon turned sour; military coups, failed economies and failed social experiments like Ujamaa led to criticisms of the failed states.
Chief among the explanations of failed states was the legacy of colonialism. It was argued that developing countries were in a perpetual neocolonial exploitative core-periphery relationship with the metropoles of the ‘developed’ world, hence their underdevelopment.
Notwithstanding the exploitative and extractive relations, African political philosophers began to engage with a different legacy of colonialism. Scholars like Mbembe in his seminal work, ‘On the Postcolony’ argues that post-colonial state heavily borrowed from the colonial state especially in the way that violence has come to undergird rule.
What is statehood?
A state has 8 attributes: territory, population, sovereignty (indivisible and autonomous), power (and accumulation of power through legitimacy, custom and/or fear), law, nation/nationalism (image of civil society as natural), state as international actor, and state as an idea (can be hero or villain).
However, the colonial state lacked the attributes of sovereignty, sense of nation and was not an actor on the international scene but was rather an appendage of the metropolis. Some African countries although considered states, have to some extent failed to make a nation out of the different ethnic groups within their borders. Many have also existed as client states to outside interests; this pseudo-sovereignty also hampering their development into true nationhood and bringing a host of issues with it.
Onto the stage of this historical debate, enter Zimbabwe. Zimbabwe, like other former settler colonies, occupies a unique position in that the country was administered by both direct and indirect rule. The sheer power of the relatively small number of settlers and their economic interests made for exploitation and control which was in general a notch above peasant or labor exporting economies, and it can be argued, something close to an economy based on slave labour.
That coupled with the cold war context of the liberation struggle meant that on the eve of independence, the Rhodesian government, like South Africa was heavily armed and merciless towards its enemies.
The present history of Zimbabwe is best situated in the nature of the colonial state, the transition from the colonial to the post colonial state and how the post-colonial state chose to continue the institutions and practices which buttressed the colonial state. It is safe to conclude that what transpired on the 18th of April in 1980 was merely a transition in terms of colour rather than systems or modus operandi.
Oppressive similarities between the two dispensations
1. Civic Society
The colonial state did NOT permit the politico-economic space or social foundation for civil society politics; this derives from a colonial regime’s exclusive ideologies and practices they employed to secure and maintain control. The cutthroat nature of adminstration employed by and during the colonial state ensured that anything deemed a threat to their oppressive agenda was ruthlessly annihilated.
Accountability was not a part of the colonial state’s modus operandi. They superimposed their whims and fancies on everything and everyone. Borrowing from the colonial state, the Mugabe government has stifled free speech and dissenting voices at every turn.
Under the ZANU PF government, a weak civil society is generally preferred and once civil society seeks to make the government accountable, it is labelled an enemy of the state. It is only those organizations whose mandate is apolitical or those who sing praises to the ruling party that are welcome.
The clamping down on civil society was not so apparent when the economy was on firm ground, not many people worried about political liberties. Marx’s analysis turned out to be true (not Lenin’s), the economy is the superstructure – once livelihoods were disrupted, it became difficult to hide an oppressive political agenda. The existence of a strong civil society is anathema to the ideals of ZANU PF.
This explains why some organisations under the civic society banner have been infiltrated by ZANU PF elements.
2. Violence
White rule in Southern Rhodesia was characterized by violence. Charles Van Onselen succinctly captures the violent nature of white rule in Chibaro. The colony was founded on violence. Africans were beaten up in their places of work, small tort infractions were often punished with the sjambok and claims like breaches of contract were made criminal.
Violence and the threat thereof was the life blood of the colonial state – it was the only way in which a small minority could control the majority.
Though ubiquitous, the state needed to maintain a façade of legitimacy therefore violent acts were often softened by the threat of force rather than use of it, something which became increasingly useful as the possible repercussions for violence escalated with the rise of black nationalism.
Fast forward to the post-colony: the ZANU PF government has a monopoly on violence. Election violence, human rights violations and everyday abuses in everyday situations characterize the lives of many ordinary Zimbabweans.
Morbid and atrocious acts such as Gukurandi and Murambatsvina are an apt accentuation of the ZANU PF government’s violent nature.
Those who never tasted violence, live in fear of it. The present leaders who lived through colonialism understand the potency of violence and the threats thereof as a means of rule and control. They have borrowed the same colonial tactics of intimidation to rule.
3. Institutions of oppression
Oppressive institutions were not disbanded after independence – in some ways, they were actually buttressed. At the end of the Federation in 1963, Rhodesia inherited its heavy artillery, state of the art aircrafts and military airbases. These were used to perpetrate mass terror.
It was not only the military that could mete out violence; the police were equally empowered to deal ruthlessly with African subjects. The anti-riot squadron were actually created for that specific purpose.
After independence, freedom fighters (mainly the Shona ones) were absorbed into the national army and like the Rhodesians before them who answered to Smith, they too answered only to Mugabe. The army which is meant to protect citizens is usually let loose to punish dissenters which in the past have included opposition party supporters and even college students.
The budget for defense is the least affected by economic austerity even though Zimbabwe faces no outside threats. It is not a concidence. The huge army exists largely for the suppression of any internal dissent and thus to keep the Mugabe regime in power.
Not only does the ZANU PF government rely on the uniformed forces to silence the masses and to mete out violence. It also relies on a well regimented and basterdised social system. Almost all the chiefs and village heads are an appandage of ZANU PF. They campaign and work for ZANU PF. If any of their subjects choose not to conform, they find themselves on the recieving end of violence and alienation.
In order for any form of oppression to thrive, it must be institutionalised. The people were oppressed under colonialism through the use of uniformed forces and pseudo social systems; the people are still oppressed in the post colony by means of the uniformed forces and pseudo social systems.
4. The law
The law is yet another instrument that was used for political and economic control by the colonial state. The post-colonial state also similarly relies on the law for political and economic control. Acts like the Land Apportionment Act, Masters and Servants Act, Pass Laws etc were used to disenfranchise and control Africans.
The colonial state crafted draconian laws earmarked at furthering their oppressive agenda. The law was meant to bring about the idea of statehood semblance and yet it was merely a medium of oppression.
In the same despicable manner, the law has been used as an instrument of furthering ZANU PF’s agenda. From lobbying for a One Party State in the 1980’s to Land Reform and the various Acts that proscribe freedom of speech and movement, such as AIPPA and POSA. In fact many of these acts are recycled versions of earlier Rhodesian laws earmarked at oppressing the masses.
5. Resources
Despite socialist leanings inherited from the liberation struggle, the Zimbabwean government did not challenge the ownership of critical and strategic resources by foreigners and whites at and after Independence until their own power was threatened. Until 2000, ZANU PF sought an accommodation with white capital and in the process, became a rentier state of sorts – thus continuing the legacy of white ownership of resources despite empty political promises of nationalization.
Whilst the government pursuing a hard-line anti-Western and populist rhetoric in public they remained beholden to, and profited from foreign industrial interests.
After 2000, white capital was replaced by a coterie of nouveaux-riches connected to or actually in ZANU PF, who then took up land and equipment which they never intended to farm but pillage. For the ordinary Zimbabweans, the benefits of independence in terms of ownership of resources is yet to be realized as ZANU PF bigwigs continue to plunder the country.
White capitalism was by nature extractive and most of the proceeds were repatriated to foreign countries. Inspite of that, at the very minimum, jobs however menial were created and infrastructures set up to support that extraction. In the era of ZANU PF landlords, those slim benefits have collapsed, formal jobs belong to a bygone era and despite the immature and bogus celebrations of indigenization, the country is more than ever dependent on foreigners to the point of many reduced to surviving on handouts from aid organizations.
The GDP continues to shrink and corruption is ubiquitous. The post-colonial state has by far outdone the colonial state in terms oppression, maladministration, malevolence, and pretty much every vice they share.
6. Ethnicity
While ethnicity was not created by white rule like in other places, it was further entrenched by white practice and colonial conceptualizations. The Ndebele were identified as war like while the Shona were said to be docile. Even the delimitation of provinces was along tribal lines: Manicaland, Mashonaland, Matebeleland.
National identity cards cemented and classified one’s ethnicity which in some places had been fluid. The division of peoples into different tribes was instrumental to divide and rule. The Mugabe government made no efforts to foster nation building in terms of identity, an otherwise doable process. Rather, they rode on the foundations of white tribal misclassifications and radically divided the country by slaughtering Ndebele-speakers, largely ordinary citizens, under the pretext of combating ‘dissidents’ in the early 80s.
A Zimbabwe unified along national lines rather than divided by tribe was a threat to ZANU PF hegemony: the person of Joshua Nkomo being the centre of such a threat. Nkomo was a better man than Mugabe, had been a freedom fighter longer than Mugabe and commanded the respect of more people within and out of the Zimbabwean borders. Ethnicity became the trump card by which the younger, lesser known teacher could elbow out the veteran ‘Father Zimbabwe’.
The Mugabe government has deliberately done little presently to channel development funds and projects to Matebeleland, further disenfranchising citizens economically along ethnic lines. All that is deliberate and meant to protect their control of power.
7. Class
The colonial state created distinct classes out of whites and blacks. One of the aspirations of the Africans pre-independence was to become part of the citizenry and cast off the yoke of subjecthood. This was done in name only. We have become citizens with no attendant rights, just like we were in the colonial era.
In fact, classism has replaced racism and ZANU PF elites are the ONLY real citizens like white Rhodesians were. As such, subjecthood in the post-colonial state still exists, although it wears a different face.
Under the ZANU PF led government, anyone who is not connected to the oligarch is treated as a second class citizen. The privileges and rights of those who are connected to the oligarch and those who are not are not on the par.
8. Propaganda
We still live in a country which prioritizes propaganda above truth. Propaganda was a weapon of choice of the Smith regime during the liberation struggle and of other white governments before Smith. Freedom fighters were turned into communist terrorists and claims of independence were rubbished. Mugabe has used similar tactics.
Threats, opponents and nonconformists, like Nkomo, became the subject of propaganda which was disseminated by institutions like ZBC, just as Mugabe’s predecessors had targeted enemies using national institutions. In the 2000s a Ministry of Information i.e. a propaganda ministry was created for the very purpose of dispensing lies, like the colonial state before it.
Anyone who dares to take a stand against the failure of the government to administer its duties automatically becomes a target for character assasination and propaganda. They are portrayed as cousins of the devil and traitors of the diluted nationalist project.
Mugabe – the black Smith
I therefore, argue that the Mugabe regime did not seek to disband the instruments of oppression when it came into power. It fully understood the risk of losing power in a truly democratic setting and so avoided truly democratic institutions and systems.
Joshua Nkomo, a nationalist par excellence was considered a threat at independence. With time, other opposing voices joined the choir of the disgruntled, Tekere with ZUM and later Morgan Tsvangirai at the helm of the MDC.
As such, the institutions and systems of oppression were needed in order to deal with any threat to ZANU PF hegemony. It may seem at first glance that it was unintended that colonial institutions and systems were left intact, for simple convenience, but in fact it was calculated machination and scheming that led to the retaining of the practices and institutions of oppression.
Ours is a case of inherited oppression under an indigenised façade. And just as Zimbabweans had to liberate themselves from the colonial regime, today we must liberate ourselves from its successor, the black Smith, Robert Mugabe.
The black Smith, Robert Mugabe and his minions, must fall.
Patson Dzamara is a leadership coach, author, human rights activist and political analyst based in Zimbabwe.  By Patson Dzamara

R&B star R Kelly denies holding several women in ‘abusive cult’ in order to boost his music career

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R. Kelly performs in concert at Barclays Centre on September 25,
R Kelly has been accused of sexual misconduct before but was not found guilty
R&B singer R Kelly has denied allegations that he is holding several young women in an “abusive cult”.
The singer’s lawyer said he would work “diligently and forcibly to pursue his accusers and clear his name”.
A BuzzFeed report accuses the singer of brainwashing women, who got closer to him in an effort to boost their musical careers.
One of the women said she was “not being brainwashed”. Kelly denies any wrongdoing.
He has faced previous accusations of sexual misconduct, but was never found guilty.
The report, which quoted three unnamed sets of parents, said they had not seen or spoken with their daughters for months, and that the women, all of them over the age of consent, had their routines controlled by the singer.
That included rules about what they could eat and wear, when to bath and sleep and how to engage in sexual encounters recorded by him, they said.
One of the women, Joycelyn Savage, 21, told the TMZ website she was not in a cult.
In a video posted hours after the allegations emerged, she said: “I’m in a happy place in my life. I’m not being brainwashed or anything like that.” She added that the issue had “definitely got out of hand”.
Kelly ‘alarmed’ by claims
Three former members of Kelly’s inner circle were also interviewed, saying that six women lived in properties managed by the singer in similar conditions.
If they broke the “rules”, they said, the women could be punished physically and verbally by the singer, according to to report.
Some of the parents reported their concerns to the police, but the women said they were not being held against their will.
The singer’s lawyer, Linda Mensch, said in a statement: “Robert Kelly is both alarmed and disturbed at the recent revelations attributed to him. Mr Kelly unequivocally denies such allegations.”
BuzzFeed has said it is standing by its reporting.
In 2008, R Kelly was acquitted of 14 charges of making child pornography after a videotape emerged allegedly showing him having sex with a 14-year-old girl.
Kelly is one of the most successful R&B artists of all time, with 40 million records sold worldwide. His best known hits include I Believe I Can Fly and Ignition (Remix). source bbc

FORMER Zanu-PF Secretary for Administration struggling Dydimus Mutasa extends his begging bowl to Mugabe and Zanu pf

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FORMER Zanu-PF Secretary for Administration struggling Dydimus Mutasa extends his begging bowl to Mugabe and Zanu pf
FORMER Zanu-PF Secretary for Administration Mr Didymus Mutasa is free to meet President Mugabe or rejoin Zanu-PF, but should do so openly without trying to put on a brave political face, Presidential spokesperson Mr George Charamba has said.
Mr Mutasa was expelled from Zanu-PF for coalescing with former Vice President Dr Joice Mujuru, who was also fired from the revolutionary party on account of plotting to unseat President Mugabe unconstitutionally.
Dr Mujuru went on to form Zimbabwe People First party, where Mr Mutasa was roped in as an elder without substantive and clearly defined roles.
They soon parted ways, with Dr Mujuru forming the National People’s Party.
Mr Charamba told our Harare Bureau yesterday that Mr Mutasa approached the Office of Vice President Emmerson Mnangagwa seeking to make contact with President Mugabe.
He said Mr Mutasa might have made some political mistakes, but President Mugabe had no hard feelings against him and doors were open for him to meet the Head of State and Government.
“We’ve been following reports on Cde Mutasa, particularly claims of his present condition which suggests hard times,” said Mr Charamba.
“Of particular note has been his wish to meet with the President. I want to indicate to Cde Mutasa — he does not have to beat about the bush if it is his wish and desire to reconnect with the President. He must do so straight forwardly and without putting on a politically brave face.
“He knows the President’s character and personality and much more importantly he knows the President’s light heartedness and besides he is appreciated as a person who made a significant contribution to the struggle to the extent that whatever misjudgements might have overtaken him cannot take away from that contribution. We are also aware that Cde Mutasa reached out to Vice President Mnangagwa to communicate his wish to meet with the President. The President has no hard feelings and if Cde Mutasa wishes for that contact he needs to remember that the way remains clear for him to.”
Mr Charamba said most people in Zanu-PF were surprised by Mr Mutasa’s decision to join Dr Mujuru’s political project given his then high office in Zanu-PF.
“Everyone in Zanu-PF did not understand why a person who had risen so high in the party (and the office of secretary for administration is not a junior office) needed to topple himself from that zenith to become a mere follower on a political journey to nowhere,” said Mr Charamba.
“Good things were going on for him and one is not sure what bad spirit got him to spoil his chances, but in life those things do happen and if you are dealing with a mature party like Zanu-PF there is always that giveness to understanding and appreciating human fickleness.
“Even in olden days, there was what they termed the wheel of fortune. It was always turning, raising those at the level of the dust to the pinnacle and those at the pinnacle to the dust, but with greater patience and forbearance you can always move from the dust to the pinnacle. But care must be taken. I am a mere spokesperson of the President – I am not promising anything except the President’s bigger heartedness.”
Reports suggest that Mr Mutasa is facing numerous challenges in his life. source-chronicle

Magaya fires 90 workers striking over unpaid wages at his Douglasdale housing project in Bulawayo

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PROPHETIC Healing and Deliverance Ministries leader Prophet Walter Magaya has fired 90 workers who embarked on a strike at his Douglasdale housing project in Bulawayo last week and indicated that he is willing to refund people being mobilised to demand their deposits.
The striking workers — all of them builders — were finally paid but lost their jobs due to the industrial action which the church said was triggered by cash challenges prevailing in the country.
Prophet Magaya launched the housing project in August last year that will see 5 000 housing units ranging between 400 square metres and 2 000 square metres being built in the city.
The housing construction programme is part of a project that will see 90 000 housing units also being built in Harare, Mutare and the Midlands provinces, with the first 5 000 units being built in Bulawayo.
Speaking to The Chronicle, Prophet Magaya’s spokesperson, Senior Overseer Admire Mango, confirmed that they delayed paying salaries due to cash challenges prevailing in the country, but they had finally met their obligations.
He also said they have since parted ways with those who went on strike. “Yes we deposited the money into their accounts and we told them not to report for work because they failed to understand us in the few weeks where we delayed payment due to this cash crisis. Their decision to strike shows that they failed to trust us. We are not here to make people work for nothing, certainly not after using our resources to willingly train them for free. We don’t do that,” Senior Overseer Mango said.
So far a perimeter wall has been erected around the land, and land surveying as well as pegging of the stands has been completed and road works have started.
At the project’s ground-breaking ceremony in August last year, Prophet Magaya said their “partners” would benefit from the project that was set to start in October the same year.
Home seekers were required to pay $1 000 deposit for the stands that were going for $4 000 with the final amount varying as owners embarked on a rent-to-buy programme for the completed houses.
The project was scheduled to be completed in seven months through Prophet Magaya’s construction company, Planet Africa.
Delays to meet the target have seen some people asking to be refunded their monies.
“We’re already working closely with the Bulawayo City Council and other players to make sure that everything is above board and we’re targeting the first week of October.
“We don’t have any problem with refunding anyone his/her money. We are willing and open to refund anyone feeling cheated or disgruntled. Due to economic challenges and the cash crisis, we are facing challenges here and there, delaying our estimated plans.
“We can’t do short-cuts on construction as we want state of the art houses that go hand in hand with city council rules and regulations,” said Senior Overseer Mango.
“With the demand for stands and houses, we are not moved by those who have been mobilised to demand their deposits saying they were robbed. There are millions of people who are desperate for stands and yet we had given first preference to our partners.
“Remember, when the Man of God launched this project, he said we are redeeming the time that was lost to his congregants, so we need to do proper things. We don’t want to short-change people nor give them half done things, remember we are building houses.” Whinsley Masara, Chronicle

High Court reverses decision by Seventh Day Adventist to censure husband of prominent city lawyer who was indecently assaulted by (SDA) pastor last year


THE High Court has reversed a decision by the Seventh Day Adventist (SDA) to censure the husband of a prominent city lawyer who was indecently assaulted by a pastor at the church last year

The ruling by Bulawayo High Court judge Justice Lawrence Kamocha followed an application for review by the abused lawyer’s husband challenging the church’s decision to slap him with a seven month censure without conducting a proper disciplinary hearing.

In papers before the court, the lawyer’s husband cited SDA’s Bulawayo City Centre branch and the church’s headquarters, South Zimbabwe Conference of the SDA Church as respondents.

In his founding affidavit, the applicant, who cannot be named to protect the identity of his wife, argued he was censured by members of the board, deacons and deaconess and elders’ councils for confronting the pastor who indecently harassed his wife and reporting him to the police.

He sought an order nullifying the censure. The applicant also wanted an order compelling the church to hold a proper hearing which excludes church elders who participated in the decision to convict and censure him within 14 days of the order.

The censure barred the applicant from participating, by voice or vote, in the affairs of the church. It also prevented him from leading any church related activity and terminating his election or appointment to all positions in church.

Justice Kamocha said the church’s decision to censure the applicant was a total disregard of the rules of natural justice.

“The proceedings were also in flagrant disregard of the fundamental rights of the church members as enshrined in the church’s manual 2015 edition. The respondents were aware or ought to have been aware of this eloquent rule of the church rule, but decided to breach it with impunity,” said the judge.

“While the main matter between the parties was indeed acrimonious and emotional that cannot be a licence for the respondents to flout the rules of natural justice and rules of their own church.”

Justice Kamocha said the church leadership deliberately chose to conduct an unfair hearing against the applicant.

The judge ordered the church leadership to pay the legal costs incurred by the applicant.

“When a party blatantly conducts an unfair hearing whose outcome the party knows will adversely affect the other party, such party lacks bona fides and I conclude that the hearing would have been done with malice. The court shows disapproval of such conduct by the respondents and applicant must be compensated the costs that he incurred,” said Justice Kamocha.

“The proceedings and decision of the first respondent to ensure applicant to a period of seven months within which he cannot participate in the affairs of the church either by vote or voice are both declared null and void and not binding on the applicant,” ruled the judge.

In March, Justice Nicholas Mathonsi ruled that the censure had the effect of curtailing the applicant’s rights as a member of the church. The ruling followed an urgent chamber application pending review by the lawyer’s husband.

The applicant said the church set in motion a process of investigating him and his wife after Pastor Brighton Ndebele was convicted of indecently assaulting his wife in October 2016.

He said Gasiano Ngulube, the church’s district pastor, launched an attack on him and his wife for taking the matter to the police.

The applicant said his traumatised wife went through a counselling process after the abuse.

Ndebele (32) was last year convicted by Bulawayo magistrate Ms Adelaide Mbeure of indecent assault and sentenced to 12 months in jail. Three months were suspended for three years on condition that he did not within that period commit a similar offence. The remaining nine months were further suspended on condition that Ndebele performed 315 hours of community service at Hillside Police Station.

The church under the leadership of Pastor Ngulube subsequently rejected the conviction of Pastor Ndebele and launched an investigation on both the lawyer and her husband.

The investigation was headed by Elder Felix Matsika, the SDA’s Bulawayo City Centre Church, elders of the deacons and deaconesses. The applicant said the church leadership categorically stated that the church was not bound by the decision of the magistrate’s court which convicted Ndebele.

He said he was not given an opportunity to defend himself.

On April 20 last year at around midday, Ndebele went to the lawyer’s workplace to discuss church business since the complainant was also a head of social committees in the church.

After the discussion and when he was about to leave office, the pastor solicited for a hug from the complainant and she declined.

He then forcibly pulled the woman by the hand and squeezed her to his chest, before holding her waist and caressed her back and buttocks.

The complainant narrated her ordeal to a fellow congregant before she reported the matter to the police leading to Ndebele’s arrest.

The victim said the church’s failure to deal with the matter gave her an impression that it accepts as normal “predatory sexual proclivities from its pastors”.

She accused the church of allegedly trying to sweep Pastor Ndebele’s sexual mess under the carpet. Mashudu Netsianda

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